
THE SUPPLIES 



CONFEDERATE ARMY 



HOW THEY WERE OBTAINED IN EUROPE 
AND HOW PAID FOR 



PERSONAL UEMINISCENOES AND 
UNrUBLISHED HISTORY 



C^VLEB UUSE 

MAJ<U AaJJ i'lROHABlNG AOBNT, 0. 8. A. 



BOSTON 

PRISS OF T. R. MARVI > & SON 

1904 




Qass £^s s 



Book 



Hl^ 



THE 
NATIONAL CENTRAL LIBRARY 

MALET PLACE, LONDON, W.C.I 



With the Compliments of 
the Librarian 



THE SUPPLIES 



CONFEDERATE ARMY 



HOW THEY WERE OBTAINED IN EUROPE 
AND HOW PAID FOR 



PERSONAL REMINISCENCES AND 
UNPUBLISHED HISTORY 



BY 

CALEB HUSE 

Majob and Purchasing Agbnt, C. S. A. 



BOSTON 

PRESS OF T. R. MARVIN & SON 

1904 






LIBRARY of C0M6RESS 

Two CoDtes Received 

AUG 11 1904 

OMyriftit Enfry 

CLASS (X)0(«.N<x 



COPYRIGHT, 1904 

BY JAMES S. ROGERS 

BOSTON, MASS. 



In the Summer of 1903, two friends of Major Huse were hos- 
pitably entertained by him at his charming home, " The Rocks," 
on the Hudson, just south of West Point, and, during their visit, 
were greatly interested in listening to his recital of some of his 
experiences as agent in Europe for purchasing army supplies for 
the Confederate States during the Civil war. 

So impressed were they by this unique bit of history that they 
succeeded, after much urging, in inducing him to write it, believ- 
ing that it should be preserved, and knowing that no one else 
could furnish it. 

His four years' experience would, if fully told, fill a large 
volume, but this brief recital is all that can be hoped for. 

If the cost of pubhcation is not met by the nominal price 
charged for this pamphlet, the satisfaction of preserving the record 
in print will compensate for any loss sustained by the 

Two Friends. 
August, 1904. 



REMINISCENCES 




N my return in May, 1860, from a six months' 
leave of absence spent in Europe, I found an 
appointment as professor of chemistry and com- 
mandant of cadets in the University of Ala- 
bama awaiting my acceptance. During my 
absence the President of the University and a 
committee of the Board of Trustees visited 
West Point and the Virginia Military Institute 
and, pleased with the discipline of both institu- 
tions, decided to adopt the military system, and applied to 
Colonel Delafield, then the Superintendent at West Point, for 
an officer to start them. Col. Delafield gave them my name 
but was unable to say whether or not I would resign from 
the army. I was then a first lieutenant of artillery ; and, as 
such, was on the rolls of the garrison of Fort Sumter. 

I accepted the position and began my duties in September. 
My leave of absence had expired in May ; but the authorities 
of the University, fearing that I might regret severing irrev- 
ocably my connection with the army — which I had entered 
as a cadet at sixteen — obtained from the Secretary of War 
an extension of the leave till May, 1861, when I was to 
resign if all was satisfactory at that time. 

It is proper to mention here that the introduction of mili- 
tary drill and discipline at the State University had no con- 
nection whatever with any secession movement in Alabama, 
and the fact that a Massachusetts-born man and of Puritan 



6 



descent was selected to iuaugurate the system, will, or ought 
to be, accepted as confirmatory of this assertion. 

Discipline was almost at an end at the University, and in 
seeking ways and means for restoring it, the attention of the 
Faculty and Trustees was directed to the Virginia Military 
Institute which had been in successful operation for about 
fifty years. As this institution had been organized by a grad- 
uate of West Point, and in some respects resembled the 
United States Military Academy, it was hoped that in Ala- 
bama good results might be secured by the adoption of similar 
methods. 

Military diill is taught at the present time in many schools 
and colleges, but the intention of the Alabama University 
authorities was not merely to drill students, but to hold them 
under military restraint, as is effectually done at West Point, 
and, I may add, as cannot be done in any college designed to 
qualify young men to become civilian members of a great 
republic. 

West Point and Annapolis have proved themselves noble 
institutions for the purpose for wliich they were designed — 
that of training young men to become officers over other men 
— but the mission of these schools is not to fit young men for 
civil life. Their methods cannot be grafted upon literary or 
technical civil institutions, and it is not desirable that they 
should be applied to civil colleges or schools of any kind. 
But the University of Alabama was a military college so far 
as concerned discipline, and to this end I was given a Colonel's 
commission by the Governor of the State, with two assistants, 
one a major, the other a captain. Tents, arms and infantry 
equipments were purchased of the United States Government, 
and a uniform similar to that of the West Point cadets was 
adopted. The students were assembled on the first of Sep- 
tember, and a camp established on the University grounds. 
Drills were inaugurated at once and regular camp duties 
were required and performed. 

Everything seemed to be progressing very satisfactorily 
till one day, some three weeks after the pitcliing of the camp, 



the President of the University (Dr. Garland) desired to see 
me at his office. On entering I found him and a trusted 
professor awaiting my coming, with disturbed looks. No 
time was wasted in the preliminaries ; Dr. Garland came to 
the point at once by telling me that there was a mutiny brew- 
ing in my camp which it would be impossible for me to 
quell. He then explained that the cadets were dissatisfied 
because I was a northern-born man ; that they called me a 

d d Yankee, and intended running me out of the State. 

He thought they would be successful, for the ringleaders were 
old students who had given a great deal of trouble before I 
came, and, what made the matter worse, these students were 
sons of influential men in the State, and the mothers of the 
mutineers were encouraging them. 

I asked if any of the Trustees or the Faculty wished me to 
resign and was assured of the contrary. I then said that, 
but for one thing, I should have no hesitation in resigning. 
The cadets, backed by their families, had threatened to run 
me out of the State ; I should put upon them the responsi- 
bility of executing their threat ; I should not resign. I went 
back to camp and never heard anything more about the 
" mutiny." 

I mention this incident only to show the feeling existing in 
an extreme southern State at that time — less than two 
months before the election of President Lincoln. 

The story of the intended mutiny was well founded, and 
was only one phase of the general feeling of unrest through- 
out Alabama. But, even at that time, which was within six 
weeks of election day, the idea of secession did not prevail. 
Probably had its people been called upon to vote on the 
question, there would have been a very large majority against 
secession. After the election in November the unrest mani- 
festly increased, and conservative men began to consider 
secession possible and even probable. 

At the University there was no excitement. Instruction 
went on as usual and the era of orderly deportment, begun in 
camp, continued, much to the satisfaction of every one and 



especially to the citizens of Tuscaloosa. But military disci- 
pline, to which, as admitted by every one, the improved de- 
portment was due, added to the outgo of the University 
without materially increasing its income, and the only hope of 
obtaining money to meet the increased expenses was through 
an appropriation by the Legislature. To secure this, Presi- 
dent Garland proposed that the battalion of Cadets — for so 
the students were called — should go to Montgomery and be 
reviewed by the Governor and by the Legislature, wliich was 
then in session. 

This idea was strongly opposed not only by members of the 
Faculty but by men whose sons were in the University. The 
fear prevailed that the students would be unmanageable 
under the many temptations wliich Montgomery would afford, 
and that even the well-meant hospitality of the citizens, 
which Avas sure to be generous, would cause, trouble. 
Whether to make the trip or not was left to my decision. I 
decided without hesitation in favor of the expedition, and ar- 
rangements were made for two steamboats, one to take us 
down the Black Warrior, the other for the journey up the 
Alabama to Montgomery. 

In Mobile the cadets were cordially received, and conducted 
themselves to my entire satisfaction. On the steamboats 
their behavior was all that could be desired, and in Mont- 
gomery everybody was proud of their appearance and deport- 
ment. For sleeping accommodations the cadets carried their 
own blankets and turned in on the floor of a large hall. Camp 
discipline was maintained and perfect order prevailed. 

The battalion was reviewed in front of the State House by 
the Governor and both Houses of the Legislature, and every- 
thing passed off most satisfactorily. Li the evening, after 
the review, a committee of the Legislature called on me and 
asked what I wanted. The reply was : An annual appropria- 
tion so long as the militaiy organization was maintained at 
the University. 

I remember that a cousin of Senator John P. Hale of New 
Hampshire (one of the most pronounced abolitionists of the 



country) was a member of the committee. He said to me : 
" Now you come up to the House tomorrow and see how we 
will put this matter through." I did so, and certainly it was 
" put through," for, while I was there the bill was given all 
its readings — the rules being suspended for the purpose — 
and it was taken to the Senate and similarly rushed. The 
Governor signed it, and the next day the cadets started on 
their return home. 

We had left Tuscaloosa in a heavy rain-storm, escorted to 
the steamboat — some two miles — by the Montgomery 
Guards. The trip had been entirely successful and there had 
not been a case of misbehavior from start to finish. Of course 
drinking was the one thing to be feared, and when one con- 
siders all the temptations on the steamboats and in Mobile and 
Montgomery, it is a little remarkable that there were no in- 
fractions of the rules, one of wliich was that no cadet should 
enter a bar-room on pain of instant dismissal. 

As already stated, I went to the University of Alabama 
under leave of absence which was to terminate in May, 1861. 
In February I received an order revoking the unexpired por- 
tion of my leave and directing me to report for duty in Wash- 
ington. I replied that my leave was granted with the under- 
standing that I was to resign at its expiration, and as I saw 
no reason to alter my determination, I offered my resignation. 
There was no expectation on my part that my future would 
be any other than such as my position as professor in the 
University of Alabama would occasion. 

My resignation was accepted February 26th. In April — 
I think it was April 1st — I received a telegram from the 
Confederate States Secretary of the Navy Mallory, to " come 
to Montgomery and take a commission for active service." I 
think I am quoting the words of the message. I started 
without delay, and on arriving in Montgomery was introduced 
to Secretary of War Walker, who soon said to me : " The 
President has designated you to go to Europe for the pur- 
chase of arms and military supplies ; when can you go ? " I 
replied that, of course, I could go immediately, but if any 



10 

preparations were to be made wkicli would require time, I 
should like to return to my family before starting. " Take 
ten days," said he. " Be back here at the end of that time." 
I was then introduced to Col. Gorgas, Chief of Ordnance, to 
whom I was to report. 

I returned to Tuscaloosa and early in the morning of the 
tenth day of my leave of absence, I drove into Montgomery 
on the top of a stage-coach. When near the town we met a 
man on horseback who shouted that Beauregard had opened 
fire on Sumter. By tliis I know that it was April 12th. 
There was naturally much excitement in Montgomery, espe- 
cially about the War and Navy Departments. 

On reporting to Col. Gorgas, I found that no arrangements 
had been made for my going to Europe. I had no orders and 
did not know what I was to do for money. I called on the 
Secretary of the Treasury, Meminger, but he knew nothing 
about my going abroad. " When are you going ? " said he. 
I replied that if I expected to get through the North, I had 
no time to lose ; and it was finally arranged that he should 
provide me with money for my trip to New York, where I 
should receive funds for my journey to Europe. During my 
interview he remarked that he had no money ; and it would 
I, appear that the statement was literally true, for it is difficult 
to conceive from what source, so soon after its organization, a 
new Government could derive any revenue. 

Before leaving Montgomery, Mr. Davis called me to his 
office and asked me to be seated while he received his callers, 
saying he wanted to talk with me about my mission, and that 
ideas would come to him between his interviews with his 
callers. I took the chair assigned me, and while he was read- 
ing the pile of letters which lay open before him, the callers 
began to come in. I do not recall any of the conversation 
which took place, but I remember clearly one incident which 
some may say was characteristic of the man. Looking over a 
letter of four full-sized pages, and standing up with some 
show of irritation, he said, " I wish people would not write 
me advice," and he tore the letter in two ; and, repeating the 



11 

remark, tore it into small bits which he threw upon the floor. 
He mentioned the name of the writer, who, I knew, was a 
friend and neighbor. 

I may be permitted to narrate a personal incident which 
occurred before I left Montgomery. One evening about sun- 
set, while I was waiting in the office of the Secretary of War, 
for the comparatively insignificant sum of money to be pro- 
vided for my expenses to England, Mr. Davis greeted me as 
Major. I replied : " I might ask, Mr. President, in what reg- 
iment," having in mind the well known anecdote of the sub- 
altern who, on handing the Emperor Napoleon his chapeau 
which had fallen, was thanked under the title of captain. 
Mr. Davis then explained the principle he had laid down for 
himself in appointing officers who had been in the U. S. army. 
It was to advance no one more than one grade. He said that 
Beauregard was only a captain of engineers, and had been 
made a brigadier general ; but in this, the rule had not beert 
violated, for, by serving at West Point as superintendent 
although for a few days only — five, as shown by the records- 
— he was a colonel in the army, and had, therefore, been ad- 
vanced but one grade. Mr. Davis remarked that there were' 
officers enough for all field purposes, but the trouble was to 
find men qualified to prepare the army for its work. 

I had arranged to pass through Charleston in order that I 
might visit Sumter and see the effect of the artillery fire 
upon it. Arriving in Charleston in the evening I went to 
Morris Island the following morning, and from there in a row- 
boat to Sumter, accompanied by two young artillery captains. 
We were all young in those days ; I was just thirty, and 
these young men were my juniors by some years. They had 
both been under my instruction as cadets at West Point when 
I was on duty there, but I cannot now recall their names. 
On our return from Sumter, we three lay on the warm sand 
near the shore, and naturally the conversation was cliiefly on 
the events of the last few days. In the course of our talk, -I 
remarked, " What in the world made Anderson surrender the 
fort ? " For in my opinion it was no more damaged for 



L.ofC. 



12 

defence than a brick wall would be by a boy's snapping mar- 
bles against it. As for anything the Confederate artillery 
could bring to bear upon it, it was literally impregnable — as 

. shown by the fact that with all the resources of the United 
States army and navy it was never retaken. The wooden 
quarters had taken fire, and, for a time doubtless, the fort 
was a very uncomfortable place, and it was feared that the 
magazine would explode. But when Anderson surrendered 
all that danger had passed. 

Major Anderson was a gallant officer who had proved liis 
■efficiency and bravery in the Mexican War, for which he was 
rewarded with two brevets ; but for one who saw Sumter as 
I did, shortly after its surrender, when nothing had been 
changed since Anderson saluted his flag and marched his 
command on board the Confederate steamer Isabel, it is im- 
possible to understand why the surrender should have been 
made when it was. Eventually his command might have 
been starved out. But although for several days it was 
short of some kinds of desirable food, and destitute of fresh 
provisions, there remained several barrels of pork which he 
took with him when he left. Not only was no assault ever 
made, but the enemy had no boats or scaling ladders -with 
which to attempt an assault, as Anderson must have known. 
If the United States Government deliberately intended to 
force a war and thus settle once for all the entire question 
between the North and the South, no strategy could have 

// been more effectual than that of sacrificing Sumter exactly as 
it was sacrificed. The whole affair could not have been ar- 
ranged with greater shrewdness and finesse. Anderson and 
his officers — without an exception, gallant and competent — 
were made to appear as heroes and, in a sense, they were ; 
the North was completely unified, and the same can be said 
of the South. The lines were now distinctly and definitely 
drawn, and every man from Maine to Georgia must declare 
for the Government or against it. War began such as no 
man could have foretold and such as could not cease till one 
side or the other should be completely exhausted. 



13 

From Charleston I went to Baltimore by the Bay Line 
steamers from Norfolk, arriving on Sunday morning — the day 
that the men who had been killed the Friday previous were 
to be buried. The excitement was intense, but the city was 
quiet — uncomfortably quiet. No one knew what next to 
expect. I was for my own part, concerned only about get- 
ting to New York. There were no trains running, bridges 
having been burned, and no one could say when railway traffic 
would be resumed. 

There were a few other travelers bound northward who 
were eager to continue their journey. Two of these — young 
men from Charleston — approached me cautiously with a pro- 
posal that we three should hire a carriage to take us to York, 
Pa., and we arranged to go. Before we were ready to start, 
an elderly gentleman asked to be permitted to join the party. 
He was a large, handsome man, and was anxious to get to 
Philadelphia as soon as possible, to see a daughter who lay at 
the point of death. The new comer would be a serious addi- 
tion to the weight in our carriage, but I had reason to be 
thankful that we accommodated him, as will appear later. 

After starting, it was determined — why I cannot now sa}^ 
— to go to Havre de Grace, instead of York. On our arrival 
in the evening, we found the ferry boat had been taken to 
convey troops to Annapolis, and there was nothing to be 
done but wait. We all found comfortable lodgings at a 
small hotel, and in the morning a flat boat took us across to 
Perryville. 

Among the passengers were several men and women who, 
as soon as the boat landed, collected on the piazza of a little 
country hotel near the landing and began singing patriotic 
.songs. They were apparently overjoyed at their escape from 
the south-land. 

At Perryville there was a large wooden shed wliich served 
as a railway station; employees were standing about, but 
none could give any information concerning the trains, all of 
which, they said, had been taken by the Government. Be- 
fore noon, however, a long train came thundering into the 



14 

station, and immediately men in uniform poured out of the 
cars and ran to the water-side, where they bathed their faces 
and hands. They were going to the front. The same train 
was soon ready to return to Philadelpliia and all who desired 
to go were accommodated. 

It was impossible to get farther than Philadelpliia that day. 
The next morning, on taking my seat in the train, I recog- 
nized the gentleman directly beliind me as the Hon. Caleb 
Gushing. I did not accost liim, not caring to meet acquaint- 
ances just then, and, moreover, I had no reason to tliink that 
he knew me, for although we were born in the same town, — 
Newburyport, Mass., — he was a distinguished public man 
when I was a boy. 

The route from Philadelphia to New York was by the way 
of Camden to South Amboy, and thence by steamboat. The 
latter was a ferry boat with room for teams on each side of 
the engine. There were no teams on board, and, as I had 
been sitting for some time, and now that we were nearing 
New York where I was likely at any moment to meet an ac- 
quaintance, I was a little nervous, I walked about the lower 
deck. In doing so I met Mr. Cushing face to face. He was 
passing the time in a similar manner. I lifted my cap, as I 
would to any superior officer, or public man. Immediately 
Mr. Cushing stopped and said : 

" Good morning, Mr. Huse, you are with the South, I un- 
derstand." 

For the moment I was staggered, but quickly calling to 
mind that Mr. Cushing had been cliairman of the Charleston 
Democratic Convention which nominated John C. Brecken- 
ridge for President, I replied : 

" Yes, sir, what chance do you think the South has ? " 

" What chance can it have? " he said, " the money is all in 
the North ; the manufactories are all in the North ; the sliips 
are all in the North ; the arms and arsenals are all in the 
North ; the arsenals of Europe are within ten days of New 
York, and they will be open to the United States Govern- 
ment, and closed to the South ; and the Southern ports will 



15 

be blockaded. What possible chance can the South have ? '* 
There was nothing for me to say in reply, and I probably // 
did the best I could have done under the circumstances. 
Looking him squarely in the eye, I lifted my cap and said : 
" Good morning, Mr. Gushing." I never saw him afterwards. 

On landing at the Battery, I gave my baggage checks to an 
expressman, taking his receipt and telling him to hold the 
baggage till called for. As it might be very important not to 
be recognized, I took the precaution to leave no trail by my 
baggage, which was taken to Liverpool later by one of the 
young men who had been my carriage companion from Balti- 
more. I went at once to the Bank of the Republic, where I 
was to find letters which would enable me to obtain money 
for my voyage. 

I was told to call for Mr. S , the cashier of the bank. 

On his coming to the window, I asked if he had any letters 
from Montgomery. His face immediately showed real fear. 
Opening a door near by, he said, " Come in," and I found 
myself in the bank parlor. He immediately locked the door, 
pulled down the window shades and then asked, " Now what 
is it?" 

In the biief time occupied in drawing down the shades, 
etc., I determined what to do, and replied, — 

" I see, Mr. S., that you are much agitated by my visit, and 
I will not further compromise you by giving you my name ; 
but if you have any letters from Montgomery, which you do 
not recognize, will you be good enough to send them around 
to Trenholm Brothers, in Pine Street." 

He assured me he would, and I bade him good morning. 
As I was leaving he said there was intense excitement on the 
street ; Anderson's command had just marched up Broadway 
and aroused the greatest enthusiasm. I had observed a small 
United States flag near the entrance, and Mr. S. said he 
believed if that flag were not at the door, the mob would 
attack the bank. 

At the office of Trenholm Brothers I inquired for Mr. 
Wellsman, and was shown into an inner room where I met a 



16 

large, middle-aged man bearing a striking resemblance to the 
wliite-haired gentleman who had been one of the party from 
Baltimore to Havre de Grace. I introduced myself by say- 
ing that Captain Wellsman was my travelling companion from 
Baltimore on Sunday. 

" He is my father," said Mr. Wellsman. I told liim of 
meeting Capt. Wellsman at the Philadelphia station that 
morning, and that he asked me to say he had found his 
daughter much better than he expected, and they now had 
hopes of her recovery. I then explained to liim that I was an 
officer of the Confederate States Army, on my way to Europe 
to purchase arms and other army supplies ; that I was to be 
provided with funds through Fraser, Trenholm & Co., Liver- 
pool, and expected to get money from Trenholm Brothers for 
the expenses of the voyage. Mr. Wellsman had no letters 
for me, and had received no information from Montgomery 
concerning me. Having no money for my voyage, the situa- 
tion was becoming serious. 

Excusing himself after a short time, Mr. Wellsman left the 
office, and returning within half an hour, was even more 
alarmed than Mr. S. had appeared to be. He said the excite- 
ment was very great, and that he believed if the crowd dis- 
covered my business, they would hang me to a lamp-post ; I 
must not leave the office till I started for the train. What 
did I propose to do ? I ought not to think of sailing from 
New York. 

I replied that I would go to Canada and take the steamer 
from Montreal. But I could not sail from anywhere without 
money. 

" You can have the money," said Mr. Wellsman. " How 
much do you want? " 

" Five hundred dollars." 

" And you want it in gold ? " 

"Yes." 

He procured the gold, ordered some lunch to be brought, 
and about three o'clock I started for the Erie Railway station. 
Sometimes we entertain angels unawares. Captain Wells- 



17 

man seems to have been a veritable angel. The simple, verbal 
message that I carried to his son served me as a letter of 
credit. Without it, I cannot now see what I could have 
done. Ten years after the war, when I met an old friend, he 
assured me that he would have had me arrested, had he 
known my mission wliile I was in New York. 

When I left the oflice of Trenholm Brothers, a man on the 
sidewalk signaled to another on the opposite side of Pine 
street, and one of these men sat opposite me on the ferry-boat. 
Whether or not they were shadowing me I never knew. I 
saw notliing more of them after leaving the boat, and had no 
further adventures till I reached Turner's, where trains stop 
for supper. In the restaurant, I recognized a number of 
friends, and my only prudent course was to go without my 
supper or seek it elsewhere. I chose the latter, and got what 
I could at a bar near by. 

I had no baggage — not even an overcoat — and the night 
was cold. I was in an ordinary day-coach on my way to 
Hamilton, Canada. Through trains were not so frequent 
then as now, and in Buffalo I had to wait some time, much 
of wliich I passed in seeing the town. Wliile walking in a 
retired part of the city, I just escaped meeting an officer of 
the army whom I knew, by turning down a cross street. 

At Hamilton I purchased clotliing for the voyage, and was 
disappointed to find that I should have to wait several days 
for the next steamer from Montreal ; I therefore decided to 
sail from Portland, but delayed purchasing my ticket till I 
could take the last train that would reach that city in time 
to board the steamer. This train went only to State Line on 
the day it left Hamilton, where I stopped over night. I re- 
member the place from the fact that, although late in April, 
I was obliged to break the ice in my pitcher the next morn- 
ing, when I started on what proved to be my last journey in 
the United States for several years. At nearly every stop- 
ping place on the way to Portland, men in uniform and fully 
equipped entered the cars. We were picking up a regiment 
under orders for the front. 



18 

We finally arrived, and my ship was in sight at anchor. I 
confess to a feeling of relief when I stepped on board from 
the tug, and that feeling was enhanced when we weighed 
anchor and the screw began pushing us out into the neutral 
territory of the broad Atlantic. 

There were few passengers, and the voyage was without 
incident save one of no importance except as tending to con- 
firm the theory of transmission of thought without language. 
My table-neighbor was a young sea-captain from Maine, who 
was returning to his vessel, which he had left in Liverpool 
some weeks before, to confer with the owners. 

One day at dinner, without any previous conversation what- 
ever to lead even indirectly to such a remark, Jie said : "I 
believe you are going to Europe to buy arms for Jeff. Davis." 

I was in the act of taking a piece of potato on my fork, 
and, to gain time before answering, I passed the potato to my 
mouth and then made about as foolish a reply as was possible, 
saying, " If he wanted arms he would be likely to select a 
man who knew something about arms." The captain imme- 
diately remarked, " Sometimes those fellows that know the 
most, say the least." I could think of nothing to say to ad- 
vantage, and said nothing; the matter was never referred to 
again. 

On arriving in London I went to what was then a favorite 
hotel for Americans, — Morley's in Trafalgar Square. The 
remark of the ship-captain interested me, and I resolved to 
probe the matter a little by calling on a gentleman with 
whom I had conversed more freely than with any other pas- 
senger. He was a lawyer from Portland, who in his younger 
days had taught school in Mississippi. He was stopping at a 
near-by hotel on the Strand. On meeting him, I asked if he 
knew the object of my visit to Europe. He replied he had 
not the slightest idea why I was there. I then told him of 
the captain's remark, and that his surmise was correct. I am 
very sure that, during the voyage, I said nothing from which 
*he nature of my business could be inferred ; and as for 
papers, I had received none since leaving Montgomery. 



19 

My orders were to purchase 12,000 rifles and a battery of 
field artillery, and to procure one or two guns of larger cali- 
bre as models. A short time before the beginning of the 
war, the London Armory Company had purchased a plant of 
gun-stocking machinery from the Ames Manufacturing Com- 
pany of Chicopee, Mass. Knowing this, I went to the office 
of the Armory Company the day after my arrival in London, 
with the intention of securing, if possible, their entire output. 

On entering the Superintendent's office, I found there the 
American engineer who superintended the erection of the 
plant. I had known him in Chicopee. Suspecting he might 
be an agent for the purchase of arms for the United States 
Government, I asked liim, bluntly, if he was, and added, " I 
am buying for the Confederate Government." Such a dis- 
closure of my business may seem to have been indiscreet, but 
at that time I thought it my best plan, and the result proved 
that I was right. He made no reply to my inquiry, but I was 
satisfied my suspicion was correct and resolved on the spot, to 
flank his movement if possible. 

As he had entered the office first, it was in order for me to 
outstay him, which I did. On his leaving, I asked for a price 
for all the small arms the Company could manufacture. 

The Superintendent said he could not answer me, but 
would refer me to the Chairman of the Company, — Presi- 
dent, we should call liim — and would accompany me to liis 
office. There I repeated my inquiry for a price for all the 
arms the Company could make for a year, with the privilege 
of renewing the order. The President was not prepared to 
give me a price, but would do so the next day. On calling 
at his office the following day, he told me that the Company 
was under contract for all the arms it could turn out, and 
considering all the circumstances, the Directors felt they 
ought to give their present customer the preference over all 
others. 

Confirmed in my belief that my competitor was no other 
than the man whom I had encountered the day before, I was 
now more determined than ever to secure the London Armory 



20 

as a Confederate States arms factory. The Atlantic cable 
was not then laid, and correspondence by mail required 
nearly a month — an unreasonable time for a commercial com- 
pany to hold in abeyance a desirable opportunity for profit. 
Witliin a few days I succeeded in closing a contract under 
which I was to have all the arms the Company could manu- 
facture, after filling a comparatively small order for the 
United States agent. Tliis Company, during the remainder 
of the war, turned all its output of arms over to me for the 
Confederate army. 

Baring Brothers were, at that time, the London financial 
agents for the United States Government, and they would 
unquestionably have been supported and gratefully thanked, 
had tliey assumed the responsibility of contracting for all the 
arms in sight in England. Any army officer, fit for such a 
mission as that of buying arms for a great Government at the 
outbreak of a war, would have acted, if necessary, without 
instructions, and secured everything that he could find in the 
line of essentials, especially arms, of which there were very 
few in the market. There were inuskets enough to be had for 
almost any reasonable offer, but of modern Enfield or Spring- 
field rifles — which were practically the same — there were 
only a few thousand in England, and none elsewhere except 
in Austria, where all were owned by the Government. And, 
according to Mr. Gushing, these would be available by the 
United States but impossible of purchase by "the South." 
Yet even so high an authority as Ex-Attorney General Cush- 
ing proved to be wrong in his assumption, as will be shown 
below. 

Any young, intelligent West Point graduate holding an 
army commission and as fearless in assuming responsibility as 
the average " graduate," would not only have prevented my 
making this important contract, but would have blocked my 
efforts in every direction ; for in all Europe the supply of 
arms ready for use or possible of manufacture was very lim- 
ited. Such an officer would have secured everyiihing worth 
having — in other words, all the best — and only inferior 



21 

arms of antiquated model would have been left for the Con- 
federacy. The effect would have been not only to give the 
United States good arms in profusion, but utterly to discour- 
age their opponents by the inferiority of their weapons. 

Mr. Davis did not make the great mistake of sending a 
civil agent to purchase supplies — a duty as thorouglily mili- 
tary as any that could be named — nor the still greater 
blunder of setting several men to do what one man, with 
uncontrolled authority, could do so much better. Doubtless 
he could have found men who would have performed the 
duty as well as did the young officer whom he selected, and 
some who would have done their part better ; but, during the 
whole war, no change was made, although not to remove liim 
often required that firmness — not to say obstinacy — which 
was a prominent trait of Mr. Davis's character, and which, 
right or wrong, but especially when he was right, he exer- 
cised to a remarkable degree. 

When I arrived in England, the Confederate States Gov- 
ernment was already represented by Hon. William L. Yancey, 
Commissioner to England ; his secretary, Mr. Walker Fearn, 
afterwards United States Minister to Greece ; Judge Rost, of 
New Orleans, Commissioner to France, with liis son as secre- 
tary ; and Mr. Dudley Mann, commonly known as Col. Mann, 
who held an appointment as Commissioner, but to what 
country I do not know. Later, Hon. L, Q. C. Lamar, after- 
wards United States Secretary of the Interior, and later still 
Justice of the United States Supreme Court, was appointed 
Commissioner to Russia, but he went no further than Paris, 
and returned to Richmond before the end of the war. Com- 
mander James D. Bulloch, previously of the United States 
Navy, whose sister was the mother of President Roosevelt, 
was in charge of all naval matters. Messrs. Eraser, Tren- 
holm & Co., of Liverpool, were the fiscal agents. 

All these representatives worked in complete harmony, 
without jealousy or clashing of opinion ; each was ready to 
assist the others in every way possible. They were all cul- 
tured men, of agreeable personality, and as far removed from 



22 

the genus homo wliich has been designated as "hot-headed 
Southerner," as can well be imagined. They lived unostenta- 
tiously, in modest, but entirely respectable lodgings in the 
West End, London, except Judge Rost, who resided in Paris, 
and Commander Bulloch, who made his headquarters in 
Liverpool. None of the representatives of the Confederate 
Government required much money in the discharge of his 
duties, except Commander Bulloch and myself. We were 
both to look to Fraser, Trenholm & Co., for all the money we 
were to expend, as indeed Avere all the diplomatic agents. 

The fiscal system was, almost of necessity, of the most sim- 
ple character. Fraser, Trenholm & Co., of Liverpool, John 
Fraser & Co., of Charleston, S. C, and Trenholm Brothers, 
of New York, were practically one concern, and the senior 
member of John Fraser & Co., Mr. William Trenholm, became 
Confederate States Secretary of the Treasury early in the 
war. Mr. Wellsman, senior member of Trenholm Brothers, 
in New York, joined the Liverpool house, the senior member 
and manager of which was Charles K. Prioleau, formerly of 
Charleston. There was no loan to negotiate ; for the Con- 
federacy — recognized only as belligerents — had no credit 
among nations, and no system of taxation by which it could 
hope to derive any revenue available for purchasing supplies 
abroad. But it possessed a latent purchasing power such as 
probably no other Government in liistory ever had. 

The cotton crop of its people was a prime necessity for the 
manufacturing world outside, and, for want of machinery, 
was utterly valueless in all the Southern States except 
Georgia, where there were a few small factories. Almost im- 
mediately after the outbreak of hostilities the Confederate 
authorities began to buy cotton, papng in such " money " as 
it had ; that is to say, its own promises to pay whenever it 
could. Some of these promises bore interest and were called 
bonds ; some bore no interest, and these constituted the cur- 
rency of the country. 

The cotton, as it lay on the plantations or in the ware- 
houses, was for sale, and the Government was almost the only 



23 

buyer. To all others there was a difficulty, amounting almost 
to impossibility, in getting cotton to market. Some, no 
doubt, was smuggled across the border, to the advantage of 
" patriots " of each side ; but this outlet for a bulky article 
like cotton was altogether inadequate, and, practically, every 
one was compelled by the very condition of affairs, without 
the application of even moral force, to sell to the Government 
and receive in payment the best that the Government had to 
offer; namely: its own promises to pay, which, whether 
stated as a condition of the promise or not, could not be made 
good till after the favorable close of the war. If the South 
failed, the promises would be valueless ; if it succeeded, the 
obligations would be met as promptly as possible. The situa- 
tion was accepted by the people, and the Government acquired 
cotton and shipped it to Nassau, Bermuda, and Havana as 
fast as it could. 

To get cotton through the blockading squadron called for 
daring and skill ; but there seems to have been no lack of 
either, and it was not long before every steam vessel that 
could carry even a few bales, and was seaworthy enough to 
reach Nassau, was ready with a crew on board, eager to sneak 
out any dark night and run to a neutral port, — generally 
Nassau. 

For a long time tliis traffic went on almost without a 
capture, and the Confederate Government not only deposited 
in places of safety large quantities of a commodity in general 
demand throughout the world, but also had the satisfaction 
of seeing its property advance rapidly in value as the war 
went on, and its necessities increased. The cotton thus 
shipped was all consigned to Fraser, Trenholm & Co., Liver- 
pool, and the consignments for the army, navy and diplomatic 
departments were carefully kept separate. There was, there- 
fore, no clashing of interests between the army and navy, as 
to disposition of proceeds. The requirements for the diplo- 
matic agents were trifling compared with those of the army 
for supplies and the navy for building, equipping and man- 
ning ships. 



24 

I had not been long in England before the sinews of war 
began to be available, and I found myself able to meet my en- 
gagements in a manner entirely satisfactory to my creditors. 
To buy supplies was simple enough ; but to ship them was 
another matter. As was to be expected, detectives employed 
by the U. S. Government as well as volunteer spies were 
about me. Efforts were made to intercept telegrams and to 
tamper with employees, but few of these attempts at stopping 
Confederate army supplies were successful. 

One success scored by the United States was the capture 
of the " Stephen Hart," a schooner of American build, but 
purchased by an English house and put under the British 
flag for Confederate use. The proof that she was loaded 
with army supplies destined for the Confederate States was 
so complete that no expense was incurred in defending the 
rights of the quasi British owners. It was a mistake to ship 
such supplies by sailing vessels, and there were other errors 
of judgment which were not repeated. 

After the " Stephen Hart " episode, all army supplies were 
carried by steamer, either to a Confederate port direct, or to 
Nassau or Bermuda. There was little difficulty in charter- 
ing steamers to carry supplies to " The Islands." Generally 
both ship and cargo belonged in good faith to British sub- 
jects ; and, as the voyage was from one British port to 
another, the entire business was as lawful as a similar sliip- 
ment would have been from London to Liverpool. But one 
of the most innocent shipments was not only captured, but 
the capture was confirmed, and there was not on board one 
penny's worth of property belonging to the Confederate 
States or to any American citizen. The ship " The Spring- 
bock," was loaded by a firm from whom I had purchased 
many supplies ; but in tliis instance, the cargo was to be sold 
in Nassau, and there was nothing of a suspicious character 
on board, excepting some brass buttons bearing the device 
" C. S. A.," and these buttons were put on board the last day 
against the Avishes of one of the partners who feared they 
would be considered as tainting the whole cargo. And so 



25 

the United States Court decided. Everything else on board 
was likely to be wanted in any country whose ports had been 
blockaded for several months, but none of the articles were 
such as could be classed as military supplies. 

To get the supplies from " The Islands " to the main land 
required sea-worthy steamers of light draught and great 
speed. Many such vessels were purchased and sent out 
under captains who were equal to any emergency, among 
whom were several former U. S. Navy officers. Some of 
these steamers had been private yachts, as for example the 
" Merrimac ; " (there were two " Merrimacs ") ; some were 
engaged in trade between British ports, as the " Cornubia ; " 
some were taken from the Channel service between England 
and France, as the "Eugenie;" and some were built for 
opium smuggling in China. Later in the war, steamers were 
built expressly for the service. 

During the first two years, the captures were so infrequent 
that, it may be safely stated, never before was a Government 
at war so well supplied Avith arms, munitions, clotliing and 
medicines — ever}^tliing, in short, that an army requires — with 
so little money as was paid by the Confederacy. The sliip- 
ment from England to the Islands in ordinary tramp steamers ; 
the landing and storage there, and the running of the blockade, 
cost money ; but all that was needed came from cotton prac- 
tically given to the Confederate Government by its owners. 

The supplies were, in every instance, bought at the lowest 
cash prices by men trained in the work as contractors for 
the British army. No credit was asked. Merchants having 
needed supplies were frankly told that our means were lim- 
ited, and our payments would be made by cheques on Eraser, 
Trenholm & Co., Liverpool, an old established and conserva- 
tive house. The effect of such buying was to create confi- 
dence on the part of the sellers, which made them more 
anxious to sell than were we to purchase. When the end 
came, and some of the largest sellers were ruined, I never 
heard a word of complaint of their being over-reached or in 
any manner treated unfairly. 



26 

As long as the system thus described continued, the South 
not only equipped an army able to cope with the colossal 
forces constantly advancing upon it, but it accomplished this 
without distressing its people with taxes. And thus, in part, 
was answered Mr. Cusliing's apparently unanswerable excla- 
mation : " What possible chance can the South have ? " 

But the supply of acceptable arms was not equal to the 
demand. The civilized powers had but recently been equipped 
with modern arms. The United States had the Springfield ; 
England had the Enfield, which was practically the same as 
the Springfield ; Austria had a rifle bearing a close resem- 
blance to both, and of about the same calibre ; Prussia had a 
breech-loader which no Government would now think of issu- 
ing to troops ; France had an inferior muzzle-loader, and was 
experimenting with an imitation of the Prussian needle-gun, 
which finally proved ruinous to the Empire. There were few 
arms for sale, even in the arsenals of Europe, wliich Mr. 
Gushing had said would be open to the United States and 
closed to the South. Austria, however, had a considerable 
quantity on hand, and these an intermediary proposed I should 
buy. 

I knew something of the armament of Austria, having visi- 
ted Vienna in 1859, with a letter from the United States 
War Department, which gave me some facilities for observa- 
tion. At first I considered the getting of anything from an 
Imperial Austrian Arsenal as chimerical. But my would-be 
intermediary was so persistent that, finally I accompanied 
him to Vienna and, within a few days, closed a contract for 
100,000 rifles of the latest Austrian pattern, and ten batteries, 
of six pieces each, of field artillery, with harness complete, 
ready for service, and a quantity of ammunition, all to be de- 
livered on ship at Hamburg. The United States Minister, 
Mr. Motley, protested in vain. He was told that the making 
of arms was an important industry of Austria ; that the same 
arms had been offered to the United States Government and 
declined, and that, as belligerents, the Confederate States were, 
by the usage of nations, lawful buyers. However unsatisfac- 



27 

tory this answer may have been to Washington, the arms 
were delivered, and in due time were shipped to Bermuda 
from Hamburg. Mr. Motley offered to buy the whole con- 
signment, Ijut was too late. The Austrian Government de- 
clined to break faith with the purchasers. 

I confess to a glow of pride when I saw those sixty pieces 
of rifled artillery with caissons, field-forges, and battery- 
wagons, complete — some two hundred carriages in all — 
drawn up in array in the arsenal yard. It was pardonable 
for a moment to imagine myself in command of a magnificent 
park of artillery. The explanation of Austria's -wdllingness 
to dispose of these batteries is that the authorities had decided 
on the use of gun-cotton in the place of powder ; and the 
change involved new guns, although those sold to me were of 
the latest design for gunpowder. I believe gun-cotton was 
given up not long after. 

Again Mr. Cushing's " What possible chance can the South 
now have? "was in part answered. At least one of the 
greatest arsenals of Europe had been opened to the South. 

That the ports of the South were blockaded, as Mr. Gush- 
ing said they would be, was true ; but never before had 
steam vessels been employed by a vigilant enemy to search 
out the weak intervals in the line and avail himself of dark- 
ness and even storm, to enter and leave blockaded harbors. 
In spite of large squadrons, under command of competent 
and zealous officers, enough war material was carried into 
ports of the Confederate States to enable them, for three 
years, to contend vigorously against all the armies the United 
States could collect, not only from its own population, but 
from all the countries of Europe. 

Well may the people of the Northern portion of the recon- 
structed Union be proud of their fellows, who for four long 
years contended against such fearful odds. 

The fourth year of the war saw an end of the struggle, not 
only because of the immense superiority of the North in men 
and material, but also on account of a change of policy in 
procuring supplies. For a long time there were no contractors 



28 

between the European sources of supply and the great con- 
sumer, the army. Cotton, the only article of value to the 
outside world, passed into possession of the Government con- 
tinuously and without friction, and was landed in Nassau — 
exceptionally in Bermuda — with no back charges due. 
Every shilling that a bale was worth, as it lay at the landing- 
place, was so much to the credit of the War or Navy Depart- 
ment with Eraser, Trenholm & Co., Liverpool, and was avail- 
able as soon as the arrival was announced by mail via New 
York. There were literally no leaks. More devoted or more 
intelligent and trustworthy agents than were Eraser, Tren- 
holm & Co., during the four years in which they acted for 
the Richmond Government, never served any principal. 

But in the latter stages of the war, contracts with the Gov- 
ernment began to appear. These contracts, made in Rich- 
mond, were generally a sort of partnership affair by wliich the 
contractor, usually an English company, shared equally the 
freighting capacity of each blockade runner. A representative 
of one of these companies brought to me, one day, a draft on 
myself for a large sum in sterling — I think it was £10,000, 
but this may not be the exact sum. What to do with it was 
a difficult problem. The payee, a respectable merchant of 
Richmond, presented it in person, and there was no doubt of 
its genuineness. After considering the matter a few minutes, 
I said: 

" I can't pay this, Captain C ." 

" What ! " he said, " Repudiate the draft of Colonel Gor- 
gas?" 

" Can't help it ; I cannot and shall not honor it. I need 
much more money than I have received, to pay for what has 
gone forward, and I have large contracts out for supplies." 

" I will assume your contracts," he replied. 

"But I will not assign them to you." 

Here was a collision between officer and Government con- 
tractor, which might result in the professional ruin of the 
officer ; for the draft was an order from his superior. Al- 
though a good many rough words were interchanged, I stood 



29 

my ground and did not pay the draft. I read between the 
lines of Col. Gorgas's letters that he would stand by me, and 
he did. The draft was undoubtedly made by higher authority 

— probably the Secretary of War, Mr. Seddon — who at the 
time had not been long in office, while Col. Gorgas had served 
from the organization of the Confederate Government in 
Montgomery. I never heard anything more about the re- 
pudiated draft, and, not long after, I was informed that, at 
the request of the War Department, I had been advanced to 
the grade of Major. 

In this connection I may mention an incident that occurred 
somewhat later. Mr. Yancey had returned to Richmond, and 
Mr. James H. Mason had taken liis place as Commissioner. 
It would be difficult to imagine two men more opposite in 
character, discharging the same functions. Mr. Yancey was 
a much younger man, and had been a student at Williams 
College, Massachusetts. He had represented Alabama in the 
United States Congress, and was sufficiently acquainted with 
affairs in general to hold his own in almost any company. 
His voice and manners were pleasing, and his estimate of 
himself was sufficiently modest to make him an appreciative 
listener. I never heard him address an audience but once, 
but that once convinced me he was a born orator. It was at 
a Fishmongers' Guild dinner, and the few representatives of 
the Confederate States were the guests of the evening. Mr. 
Yancey sat on the left of the Lord Warden. I sat four or 
five seats from him, on the opposite side, the tables being 
arranged in the form of a horse shoe. There was a large 
number present, and many were evidently Americans from 
the North. 

Very early in the list of toasts, the toastmaster, — a butler 
possessed of a ringing voice, and who stood just behind the 
chair of the Lord Warden, from whom he received liis orders 

— called out: 

" Gentlemen, fill your glah- ses, the Lord Warden will take 
wine with you." 



30 

The glasses being filled, the toast was announced. I do 
not now recall the words, but it had reference to the " new 
nation," and to Hon. William L. Yancey, and " our guests 
from the Confederate States of America." The Lord Warden 
made a short address of welcome and called on Mr. Yancey. 
All the Confederate guests were expected to stand while 
their spokesman replied. But I declined to make myself so 
conspicuous, fearing that in a company so entirely new to 
Mr. Yancey, as I felt sure this English company was, Ms 
speech would be anything but appropriate. 

I could not have been more in error. What he said ex- 
actly fitted the place and the occasion; the audience was 
delighted, except some people at the lower ends of the tables, 
who, by rattling their glasses and moving their feet, did their 
best to disconcert the speaker. In this they failed. The 
speech was short, and at its conclusion the storm of applause 
clearly showed the pleasure it afforded the great majority of 
the audience. I remember well a barrister — a member of 
the city government — who after the dinner was over, com- 
mented enthusiastically on the eloquence of Mr. Yancey. 

Mr. Mason was a very different man. He had, for forty 
years been a prominent member of the United States Senate, 
and seemed never to be unmindful of the presence and impor- 
tance of the Honorable James H. Mason of Virginia. The 
two Commissioners were as different, one from the other, as 
a Kentuckian and a Boston man of pilgrim blood. I saw but 
little of Mr. Mason. Mr. Yancey had always been ready to 
confer with me. I freely talked over my plans with him, and 
by his counsel and cordial endeavor to aid me, he was an 
ever present help. 

There was in Mr. Mason no magnetism to attract young 
men, and I do not remember ever to have asked his advice 
or opinion. In this he presented a strong contrast to all the 
other Commissioners. Mr. Slidell was as old a man and as 
experienced in public affairs as Mr. Mason, but he was a 
genial companion even to younger men, and I consulted him 
quite as freely as I had Mr. Yancey. 



31 

One morning I received a note from Mr. Mason's secretary, 
asking me to call at Mr. Mason's lodgings. I lost no time in 
obeying the summons, and Mr. Mason lost no time in coming 
to business. 

" Major," he said, " I have sent for you to request you to 
inspect some army supplies that some of our English friends 
are sending over under a contract with the War Depart- 
ment." 

Without a moment's hesitation, I replied, " Mr. Mason, I 
will inspect the contract, and if I approve it, I will inspect 
the goods." 

I cannot convey an adequate idea of the man's astonish- 
ment. It was too great for him to express himself imme- 
diately. He was standing in front of the grate. Taking a 
package of " fine-cut " from his pocket, and removing from 
his mouth an immense quid which he threw into the grate, 
he replaced it with a fresh wad and, looking at me, said, " Do 
you know who I am? Whom do you look upon as your 
superiors?" 

Instantly, but very quietly, I replied, ^' I believe you are 
the Honorable James M. Mason, Confederate States Com- 
missioner to England." 

" Yes," he replied, " and in a very few days I shall be Min- 
ister of the Confederate States to the Court of St. James." 
It was when England, France and Spain were on the point of 
acknowledging the Confederate States of America as a 
nation. 

I then said, " I acknowledge no superior on this side of the 
ocean ; in America the Secretary of War and all officers senior 
to me are my superiors, and especially Col. Gorgas, from 
whom I receive my orders. Not only on general principles 
can I take no orders from you, but I have an order sent me 
after the battle of Bull Run, giving me carte blanche, and 
directing me not to allow myself to be governed by political 
emissaries of the Government. Now, if you are not a politi- 
cal emissary of the Government I don't know what you are." 

There was no possible answer to this defining of our rela- 
tive positions and there was no more controversy. The dis- 



32 

pute lasted some time, but I have related enough to answer 
my purpose. 

The order to which I referred was sewed into the sole of a 
boot, the wearer of which, a German by birth, made the jour- 
ney from Richmond to London by way of New York. On 
arriving in London the order was removed from its hiding 
place by cutting the stitches of the sole. The incident serves 
to show the impossibility of preventing secret correspondence 
in time of war. 

Another incident of the same character may be mentioned. 
The first vessel to run the blockade from England was the 
" Fingal," Commander James D. Bulloch. It was necessary 
to send to Savannah, the port for which Commander Bulloch 
intended to strike, a set of signals in advance. These were 
secreted by removing the wrapper of a well-made cigar and 
carefully replacing it, after rolling the paper containing the 
signals upon its body. I myself did this bit of cigar work. 
On arriving off Savannah, Commander Bulloch displayed his 
signals, which were immediately answered, and he piloted his 
ship into the harbor with which he was familiar. So long as 
the War Department depended entirely on its own officers to 
get cotton out and run supplies in, the value of every bale of 
cotton that reached the Islands secured, in due time, its full 
equivalent in army supplies. There were some captures of 
cotton going out, and others of supplies going in, but the 
losses were for a long time inconsiderable. When, how- 
ever, the contract system got into full working condition, al- 
though there were more vessels in the service, the supplies 
began to shrink. Contractors were "on the make." That 
was their business, and they pursued it eagerly, for the profits 
were large. 

The " Nashville," which had been a packet between New 
York and Charleston, was purchased by the C. S. Govern- 
ment and converted into a cruiser, and as it was very desira- 
ble that there should be some show of naval power in a 
European port, she was sent under command of Captain 
Pegram to Southampton, where she arrived in good order. 
On reading the news of her arrival, I went immediately to 



33 

Southampton to call on her officers, with Mr. Fearn, secretary 
to Mr. Yancey. The ship was, like all American ships, trim 
and in beautiful condition, but she was only a converted 
passenger ship, and must have made a poor showing had she 
met a U. S. ship of any size. However, she served the pur- 
pose of displaying the Confederate States flag in a foreign 
port and on the high seas. 

My object in calling on Captain Pegram was not one of 
courtesy alone. A most outrageous proposal had been made 
to me, involving the capture of a British ship bound from 
Hamburg to New York, loaded with a hundred thousand Aus- 
trian rifles. The proposal, in brief, was : That I should 
deposit £10,000 in the Bank of England subject to the draft 
of one of two persons. In the event of success of the scheme, 
one was to draw the money ; in case of failure, the other. 
The plan was to capture a British ship, then loading with 
arms at Hamburg for New York. It had been proposed to 
me that with a tug, having a gun on board, I should intercept 
the ship, fire a gun, and demand her surrender. The captain 
would have orders to comply with my demand, and I was to 
direct him to sail to Charleston. 

The scheme was not impossible for any one holding a pri- 
vateer's commission, and I applied to Mr. Yancey for a letter- 
of-marque. On hearing my story, Mr. Yancey said he had 
such commissions, but that they were contrary to the spirit 
of the age, and he had determined not to give any of them 
out. However, in this instance, he would issue one if I 
wanted it. I believed my land-service commission would 
protect me, but I asked for the letter-of-marque as an addi- 
tional safeguard. Captain Pegram, after considering the 
matter in conference with his executive, Lieutenant Fauntle- 
roy (formerly of the United States Navy), determined not to 
make the attempt, and the matter was dropped. 

Perhaps it is well that the " Nashville " arrived, and that 
Captain Pegram declined to act ; for I had the money ready 
to deposit, and what seems now to me a madcap scheme might 
have been attempted. 



34 

The ship sailed, and delivered her cargo in New York. The 
projectors of the scheme stood to receive double payment for 
the arms and ship, the insurance against war-risk having been 
assumed by the U. S. War Department. The arms were 
from the Vienna arsenal, from which I received, later, the 
same number of small arms and several batteries of field 
artillery. 

At the time the "Nashville" arrived in Southampton, I 
had a large quantity of supplies ready for shipment, but was 
deterred by the endeavors of agents of the United States 
Government to stop me. The problem was finally solved by 
a hint from the British authorities to clear them for Aus- 
tralia, which was done. The shipment was made on the 
steamer " Economist," bought for the expedition, and Lieut. 
Fauntleroy was detached from the " Nashville " to command 
her ; of course a British captain in nominal command. Al- 
though the " Economist " had speed of not more than eight 
knots an hour, Lieut. Fauntleroy made a successful run into 
Charleston and delivered his cargo in excellent condition. 

An incident worth relating is connected with this period 
of the war. A ship which Lieut. Fauntleroy and I visited 
one morning was loading in London Docks for Nassau. In 
the same dock were two very handsome steamers which had 
been built for the opium trade, but for some reason had not 
sailed for China. They were now for sale. Lieut. Fauntle- 
roy, after examining them, was most eager that I should buy 
one and put him in command. To do so, however, was im- 
possible ; I had no money. Several months afterwards I was 
asked to buy a steamer and her cargo of arms, clothing, shoes, 
ammunition and medicines, then lying at St. George's, Ber- 
muda. The ship was one of the two opium smugglers. She 
had been bought by a company of Englishmen, and, loaded 
with a most desirable cargo, had started for Wilmington or 
Charleston. On arriving at Bermuda the blockade had be- 
come so close that the owners decided not to make the attempt 
to run it, and they offered to sell ship and cargo to me at a 
bargain. I was still unable to buy her, although I knew 
what a valuable blockade-runner she would be and what a 



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35 

desirable cargo she carried. The owners, of whom there were 
several, were so anxious to sell her that they importuned me 
till finally I said : " Well, gentlemen, I can do one thing : I 
can offer you cotton for your ship and cargo." They jumped 
at the proposal, saying that was all they wanted. Where 
would I deliver the cotton ? 

At Charleston, Mobile or Wilmington. 

When ? 

Thirty days after the presentation of my order to the War 
Department in Richmond. 

Strange as it may read, these. men were perfectly satisfied 
with my proposition, although I could not see how they were 
to get their cotton out, since they wei-e selling their ship to 
me. However, we agreed upon the weight and quality of 
cotton to be given for ship and cargo, and it only remained 
for me to satisfy their lawyer that I was duly authorized to 
make the purchase. For this purpose, a meeting was arranged 
for the next morning, when I presented the leather-stained 
order which had come to me through the lines, sewed between 
the layers of the sole of a shoe. On reading this, the lawyer 
said : " That's enough to cover anything," and a contract was 
signed and an order given me for the ship and cargo. As 
this contract may interest the reader, a facsimile of it is 
given. (See plate.) 

The quantity of cotton being too large for one owner to 
handle, it was arranged to have warrants engraved and printed 
for smaller quantities. 

The " Merrimac " ran into Wilmington and delivered her 
valuable cargo in fine order. She was then loaded with cot- 
ton, and one favorable night — dark and stormy — started on 
her return trip to the Islands. Before clearing the harbor she 
collided with another steamer on her way in, and the " Mer- 
rimac " was obliged to return to Wilmington, where it was 
found that she could not be repaired, and she was finally 
sold, with her oargo, for $1,100,000. The vessel with which 
she collided was her sister ship which had lain alongside of 
her in London Docks. Means were not to be found in Wil- 
mington to repair the " Merrimac " for the Confederate Gov- 



36 



ernment ; but it was easily accomplished as soon as she passed 
into private hands, and she was again sent to make her run 
to the Islands. To my great satisfaction, she was captured 
the next morning. 

There were greedy contractors in the South who cared 
just as much for " the cause " as did their fellow-contractors 
in the North for the Union. They were full of patriotism — 
of their kind. Months after the " Merrimac " sailed from 
Bermuda, one of the negotiators of the sale asked me if I 
would sign duplicates of the warrants I had issued. My 
reply was : " Does the Bank of England issue duplicate 
notes?" "You don't mean to say you will not give us 
duplicates ! " "I certainly do." And then I explained to 
him that at the time, I might have been willing to sign war- 
rants in duplicate. But the war had reached a critical stage ; 
the Confederate array was hard pressed on every side. More- 
over, the contract system had begun to produce results. In- 
stead of all cotton sent out being for army or navy account, 
only a portion of the army cotton was turned into army 
supplies. The contractors, English and Confederate, were 
taking the rest. 

I believe that not one of those cotton warrants which 
bought the "Merrimac" was ever presented in Richmond, 
and that vessel, with her cargo, cost the Confederate Gov- 
ernment literally nothing. It is a curious fact that these 
same cotton warrants, which as it proved were really not 
worth the cost of printing them, at one time sold at a premium 
in London. 






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